In the Wall Street Journal today is an excellent piece describing the differences between the dissenting and majority views on the Supreme Court’s recent ruling on free speech and corporations.
Many have seen the news accounts of President Obama railing against this ruling in his State of the Union address last month — and Justice Alito mouthing quietly “not true” regarding the President’s statement (which indeed turned out to be not true when facts were checked).
What I thought was interesting below was the point that this ruling points out the stark differences between right and left on this issue. In particular that the left sees corporations as uniformly bad in their actions and their intent. In other words, for them regulating, controlling, and punishing private enterprise and its leaders is a black and white issue: any action taken against them is uniformly righteous and done solely for the “public good”.
Here’s what I wish: that the left would have a similar black and white attitude toward what is truly a uniformly bad — and mortally threatening — menace against the “public good”. Of what am I thinking? Terrorists and their supporters world-wide — Islamic and otherwise. Why can’t the President, the Democrats, and the left generally treat them as they seem perfectly able to treat corporations and private enterprise, entrepreneurs and successful people — as nothing but a public enemy. An enemy which must be defeated at any cost.
I assume the left wages this war against private enterprise because they want to win. To win and “change” how America works — and have control over how the spoils are distributed. Hey, I can’t begrudge that they are indeed playing to win and if they believe in the “change” they espouse then playing to win is the only way to go. No half way. No shades of gray or hesitation. Play to win so you can dictate the rules and control the new order once you’ve won.
We need this exact same attitude about Terrorism and the threats we face from it. It is an existential threat to our nation and our freedom. We need to be black and white about it.
Just as during World War II when we went all out, sacrificed hundreds of thousands of American lives (and were poised to possibly lose 500,000 to 1 million more in 1945-1947 if we had to invade and conquer Japan) in order to win the war and bring about the peace. We kept State Secrets to protect our interest and our plans. We took prisoners, interrogated them harshly and did things under normal circumstances we frown upon and refrain from. But there could be No half way. No shades fo gray. Victory was the sole aim.
Just as we did in the Civil War. Hundreds of thousands perished. Lincoln felt the Union was of supreme importance and had to be preserved at any cost. He suspended Habeas Corpus rights. We took prisoners, interrogated them harshly, treated them as the enemy (even though they were our brothers). He went for total victory. No half way. No shades of gray.
Just as the patriots and the Continental Army under General Washington did during the Revolution. They went all out and were willing to die for their cause. They were fighting their mother country and its king and against a way of life that they had known for generations. But their could be No half way. No shades of gray. They felt their cause was just and with victory would be a better day and a brigther future.
When our nation has been black or white about an issue and done what it takes to achieve victory we’ve been successful.
Today the left has the wrong enemy in their cross-hairs. Right tactics, just wrong enemy.
The Scalia v. Stevens Smackdown
Nothing—not even George W. Bush—has sent liberaldom screaming into the streets more than the Supreme Court’s recent 5-4 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The Court’s ruling that corporations have a free-speech right to express opinions about politicians running for office really let the furies out. President Obama’s in-their-face criticism of the Supreme Court over Citizens United at his State of the Union speech got pundits on every blogger barstool chattering about the propriety of this public smackdown.
That’s nothing compared to how the Supremes smack each other inside their public decisions.
Justice John Paul Stevens dismissed the majority’s opinion, written by Anthony Kennedy, as lacking “a scintilla of evidence” for its argument and making “only a perfunctory attempt” to root its reasons in the First Amendment views of the Constitution’s Framers.
Justice Antonin Scalia then wrote a majority concurrence solely so that he could go mano a mano with Justice Stevens. A mere three sentences in, he unloads: “The dissent attempts this demonstration, however, in splendid isolation from the text of the First Amendment.”
While the commentary on Citizens United rightly emphasized First Amendment law, the scrum inside the decision between Justices Stevens and Scalia, over the status of corporations in America, deserves more attention than it got.
Their dispute, and especially Justice Stevens’s view of corporations, reveals a lot about why Mr. Obama and liberalism’s left wing went nuts. It isn’t just corporate political advertising that’s anathema. Corporations themselves are anathema.
In his State of the Union swipe, Mr. Obama said the Citizens United decision would “open the floodgates for special interests.” The “special interests,” of course, is Democode for corporate interests. This week we learned Mr. Obama will try to convey his pro-business sentiments Feb. 24 to the Business Roundtable. Don’t buy it.
Justice Stevens offered the historic and psychological basis for this foundational antipathy.
“Thomas Jefferson,” he notes, “famously fretted that corporations would subvert the Republic.” A citation quoted by the justice notes that “the word ‘soulless’ constantly recurs in debates over corporations”; and “corporations, it was feared, could concentrate the worst urges of whole groups of men.”
But here’s the public-philosophy belief that flows from this view: “The Framers thus took it as a given,” in Justice Stevens’s opinion, “that corporations could be comprehensively regulated (my emphasis) in the service of the public welfare.”
In short, private corporations have not much, if anything, to do with the public good.
In his crack-back concurrence, Justice Scalia ridicules “the corporation-hating quotations the dissent has dredged up.” He notes that most corporations back then had “state-granted monopoly privileges” (sort of like Fannie and Freddie today—columnist’s footnote) and that modern corporations without these state privileges “would probably have been favored by most of our enterprising Founders—excluding, perhaps, Thomas Jefferson and others favoring perpetuation of an agrarian society.”
He ends with a conservative belief: “To exclude or impede corporate speech is to muzzle the principal agents of the modern free economy.”
America’s Democrats and Republicans, crudely defined, are with this presidency and this Congress living today on opposite sides of a moon that they both call the United States.
In the universe inhabited by Justice Stevens and President Obama, corporations—the private sector—are a suspect abstraction, ever tending toward “the worst urges” which have to be “comprehensively regulated.” The saints regulate the sinners.
If you think this way, what one does to the private sector, such as the proposed $90 billion bank tax, can never be wrong in any serious way, so long as the rationale offered is the “public good.” Private-sector players are seen as barely more than paid galley slaves on the ship of state. So it is with the health-care bill’s mammoth, comprehensive regulation of American medicine and insurance.
Mr. Obama seems genuinely perplexed that the opposition can’t just, you know, sign onto it. What’s their problem?
Evidently, the voters of Massachusetts have a problem with that and more.
In the past year, Mr. Obama and the Democratic Congress passed a $787 billion stimulus, seized banks and the auto industry, embarked on a $1 trillion reorganization of the private health-care system, and passed a fiscal 2010 budget that put spending as a percentage of GDP at 24.1%. These are very large claims for the public good.
This public-private tension is an ancient and never-ending debate in the U.S. But what we are seeing this year, in Massachusetts and elsewhere, is American voters arriving at a tipping point over the scale and role of government. Most Americans still go to work each day inside a private economy organized around tens of thousands of corporations. Their basic view of the world and that found inside Justice Stevens’s dissent and this White House are out of sync.